The book by Ethiopian former military leader Mengistu Hailemariam, Tiglachin, Yeethiopia Hezeb Abyotawi Yetegel Tarik, (or Our Revolution, The History of Ethiopian People's Revolution) volume one has been published a couple of months back. However, the 505 pages book published in US by Tsehay Publisher still is not able to reach local market here in Ethiopia. Therefore, many are wondering, after two decades of exile in Zimbabwe, what Mengistu could possibly would have to say.

Those who accessed the book might expect Mengistu to use this opportunity to clarify the crime that surrounds his personality as a former dictator. People might also hope, after almost 20 years away from all the idiocy of his leadership, he might come to his senses and understand what he has done to the country and the people. Of course, knowing his regret and apology for what happened is in the top of many minds.

Nevertheless, Mengistu is the same person he was decades back. After reading the book, anyone can understand that if given a chance he would do it all over again. There is not a thing he regrets or changes even if he could. Mengistu did not tell new story in his book. He wrote everything the Ethiopian people already know and read in different books. He simply repeated his opinions in Genet Ayele’s Books titled YeMengestu Hailemariam Teztawoch or Memories of Mengistu Hailemariam.

He admitted the killings, his significant role in creating the red/white terror tragedy, the endless wars that could have had gone differently if he took a minute to listen to those who came up with peaceful solutions, the famine he tried to hide so bad, his violent personality that dominated the entire country and so many other obvious wrongs. Mengistu did not deny about the murder of his own friends who helped him remove the emperor rule in the country nor felt any sympathy for numerous youth who lost their lives believing he was leading them to a better Ethiopia. He proudly announced he was chairing a committee that passed death penalty on the emperor’s high officials with out due process of whatsoever.

So one might ask what reasons he could have to write this book.

Using the book, Mengistu tried to establish three different things about himself. First, he tried to show that he did not plan to be the president of the military regime but situations pushed him to the chair. At this point, he tried to tell he had no choice but lead a revolution that was lost without him.

It is obvious that Mengistu was at the right time at the right place. In fact, after the society from almost all walks of life challenged the emperor’s rule, and loosened its grip on power, it did not need any dexterity to remove the King. All that was needed was a few guns. That was where the military came in. Mengistu said, the first meeting of the Derg in the compound of the fourth division military in Addis Ababa was a mess. Low rank military officers, representing the entire military gathered, without a clear vision or mission. The chairperson at the time was Colonel Atnafu Abate, and he could not even keep the meeting in order, according to Mengistu.

The military gathering knew why they were there. It was to end the emperor rule in the country. However, they did not have a clue where to start. That is where Mengistu stepped in: clever, talkative and convincing, the one the crowd could understand. Once he got to the stage, he worked the crowd like magic. A new era had started. He came up with the slogan of the regime “Ethiopia Tekedem” or “Ethiopia First”. From that moment on, Mengistu played a considerable role in creating the Derg, and led it for 17 years, and then drove it to the ground when he finally fled abroad to save his life. In all of this, through his book, Mengistu presents himself as a good man in a bad situation.

The second point he tried to make was, whatever he did, he did it for the love of his country. Mengistu used several pages of the book writing the accomplishments of his regime. He mentioned all the manufacturing companies established, the famous campaign to destroy illiteracy known as Edget Behibret, the ownership of land by peasants, etc.

In addition, he used his dream to keep the country unified to justify the wars the country went through while he was in power. Intentionally, Mengistu began his book by writing history. He wrote about Emperor Tewodros, Menelik and other Ethiopian leaders who fought to unify the country. He also mentioned opposite rulers who did everything they could to divide the nation under their own rules. All of this seems to validate his fixation with unity even when it cost everything the country possessed. He tried to establish that he was following the footprint of the great Ethiopian leaders like Menelik and Tewodros. The conclusion for this point is all the price Ethiopia and its people paid for the unity, even when it failed terribly, was worth it. Mengistu demonstrated he still believes that there was no other choice except war with the separatists whom he called thugs.

Under this part, Mengistu wrote about how hard it was to be in a war for seventeen years and how committed he was to win it all. “We never slept or had a life of our own. We were working nonstop to save our revolution and keep the country together,” he writes. All that, according to him was for the love of Ethiopia.

The third major point he tried to show in his book was he did not do it alone and everyone around him knew clearly, and contributed and agreed with what happened. Mengistu mentioned he had the support of the people and his officials for whatever went during that time. For him, that seems good enough rationalization for all the extra-judicial killings committed by his regime. He also tried to ascertain that he did not agree with some of the ‘wrongs’ that happened. For example, he says he was not on board on the decision of the Derg committee to massacre the arrested high officials of the emperor.

According to him, the arrest of General Aman Andom Michael, who was a forefront member of the Derg and a personal mentor of Mengistu himself, brought the issue of executing all the arrested high officials. General Aman Andom, an Eritrean origin, was one of the few people who tried diplomacy to solve the war between the Ethiopian army and Eritrean separatists. Mengistu mentioned he believed the General would come up with a peaceful solutions. Instead, the General betrayed the Derg and worked in favor of the ‘thugs’.

He said, when the Derg committee learned of the betrayal and assembled to discuss the fate of General Aman Andom, it was decided to finalize the case of all high officials arrested. That mainly included former officials of the emperor. Against Mengistu’s suggestion that they do not have the mandate, members claim to represent the Ethiopian people, challenged him. Simply said, that is how they end up passing a death penalty on everyone arrested including General Aman. Despite his initial disagreement, Mengistu wrote the decision was historical to the Ethiopian people. The premise he used to support this conclusion is his obstinate belief that the Ethiopian people owned the revolution and that decision was meant to protect the revolution.

About his close friend and Chair Person of the Derg, Colonel Atnafu Abate, he writes similar arguments. Apparently, Atnafu dared to mention on a Derg meeting that the path they followed endangered the country. He had said it was time to evaluate their moves since the country is under serious troubles with famine, war in every direction and internal conflicts. For anyone with sound mind, these comments should have been appreciated. However, the Derg committee including Mengistu was not in that place of their lives. Therefore, he was immediately labeled as the enemy. Mengistu wrote that he even thought Atnafu was temporarily insane or drunk to have made a comment like that.

In simple words, Mengistu says, “I did not see him after that meeting”. Here, Mengistu showed what was constitutionally wrong with the Derg. He writes as follows: “What the international community and the Ethiopian people should know about the Derg is that when we started a revolution with commitment to sacrifice our lives, we took an oath saying if we betray it in any way, we will give our neck to the blade of the revolution.” In this case, there will be no due process, and the judgment is given by the committee itself. Revolution eats its own children and that is what happened to Atnafu. ”

In fact, in the oath, he included reference to that effect. The oath says that members give their entire life to the revolution and never do anything to betray it. It also says that if they do ever change their mind and show any betrayal, they take the risk of being eaten by the revolution.

He also blamed those who worked to counter the revolution for causing the terror and many other challenges the country faced at the time. From his writings, it sounds like if everyone were brave enough to agree with him, things would have gone differently.

Though it is hard to imagine what more he could say, Mengistu has indicated that there will be three volumes for the Book Tiglachin.. However, as far as opinions are concerned an apology would have done him a big favor and shorten most of his stories. Whether he was forced by situations, young age and lack of experience in whatever he tried to establish, what happened affected the country and its people beyond his possible imagination. In addition to destroying a generation, the smudge of his rule are still challenging the present day Ethiopia. Many trace back the loss of nationalism feeling, distrust among the society, obsession with immigration, and many other societal problems with his brutal rule. For that, the only appropriate word to enlighten the tale would have been “I am sorry”.

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